Moving Cities
About the city


A win-win situation for newcomers and the local economy

Key Takeaways

  • 1

    The example of Livadia proves that if city authorities are committed to creating structures to welcome refugees, it can have multiple benefits for both the refugees themselves and for the local community.

  • 2

    Good communication with locals has prevented negative and racist reactions and has been key to the success of housing programmes.

  • 3

    Refugees were accommodated in the city centre rather than in designated hotspots, improving integration and dialogue with other residents.

What is unique about the city?

Better integration through accommodation in the city centre: Livadia was the first medium-sized Greek municipality, after Athens and Thessaloniki, to take the initiative to welcome refugees. In November 2016, in cooperation with UNHCR, it implemented the Emergency Support for Integration and Accommodation programme (ESTIA). Since then, over 1,500 refugees have been accommodated in city centre apartments.

What are the key factors?

An open dialogue between city and citizens: The success of Livadia’s refugee housing programme comes down to a few central factors. The first was a communications strategy based on dialogue with city residents, helping to create acceptance for the policy. Moreover, accommodating refugees in the city centre has also served to stimulate the local economy with financial help from the ESTIA programme. Also, Livadia’s housing programme is not managed by NGOs, as in Athens and Thessaloniki, but through the Public Benefit Enterprise of the Municipality of Levadia (KEDYL). This decision has had multiple benefits for both local society and refugees. For example, these programmes have also helped decrease unemployment amongst the city’s residents.

What are the greatest achievements so far?

From housing to comprehensive social support: Since 2016, 1,500 refugees have been housed in apartments in the city of Livadia. In addition to housing, KEDYL personnel also offer social support. Through the ESTIA programme refugee children have been enrolled in public schools, and people have received assistance on medical issues (e.g. making appointments). Lastly, KEDYL personnel also help refugees with paperwork – more specifically, the different official documents they need to deal with. This can be a very difficult task, as the law is constantly changing and different institutions, such as banks, may require different information.

Political activities and advocacy beyond the city level

Livadia was amongst the first municipalities to be part of the Cities Network for Integration.

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Download the full city report

The city report contains more information about the city’s migration and inclusion policies and selected local approaches. Report from 2021, updated in 2023.

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Political context of Greece

Key developments of recent years

Greece has endured frequent economic and political crises since 2010, with migrants often becoming scapegoats in both mainstream political party rhetoric and the media. As the former Public Order Minister declared: “illegal migrants are a threat to the system of social welfare and solidarity, public health, public order and security, as well as national security. They are a time bomb in the foundations of Greek society.” The ultra-right has also grown rapidly during this time. However, the so-called "refugee crisis" in the summer of 2015 shifted the dominant representation of migration in Greece. Refugees began to be viewed less as threats and more as fellow humans fleeing war-torn countries. All mainstream media, including conservative press outlets, began designating these mass migration movements as a “refugee crisis”. While Greece has been both a transit country and a destination for over two decades, before 2015 fewer than 100,000 people crossed the Aegean Sea each year. However, that summer alone, almost one million people made the journey. Local people generally welcomed newly arrived migrants, and a far-reaching solidarity movement developed that spread from the Aegean islands to Athens and even further. In addition, the election of the left-wing Syriza party also influenced mainstream discourse. Syriza came from a completely different background than previous governing parties, and had historically supported migrant rights. This different background was evident – at least during the first months – both in the government’s rhetoric and in the ways in which migration was managed. In May 2016, then Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras stated: “We, in Greece, are facing two important crises simultaneously: the economic and the refugee [crises]. (…) We have to enrich our response to the one that lies behind all the others: the humanitarian crisis.” The Syriza government implemented certain initiatives to support refugees, especially during its first few months in office.

Overall conditions for refugees in the country

Refugees are given access to the public health system and to housing through certain programmes such as ESTIA. The first open refugee camp was set up in Elaionas, in close proximity to the city centre of Athens – a sharp contrast to the previous closed detention centres. However, in the months following the summer of 2015, Syriza’s policies gradually became harsher. The EU-Turkey deal in March 2016 transformed the Greek islands into a buffer zone, creating a double border between Turkey and Greece. “Hotspots”, a new neutral word for refugee camps, were set up on the islands of Lesvos, Samos, Chios, and other Aegean islands. Refugees and migrants waited for months or even years for the proper documents required to reach the mainland. The Moria refugee camp gradually became synonymous with increasingly humiliating conditions. The overall conditions on the mainland are better, but not by much. A few thousand refugees have access to housing through certain programmes set up by international organisations or NGOs. The rest, however, are either homeless or living in camps on the outskirts of big cities. In most cases, the mainland camps are also overcrowded, with very harsh living conditions. Access to welfare, health and education is also difficult and complicated, especially for people living in remote camps. Nonetheless, a dynamic solidarity movement has grown since 2015. For instance, some occupied buildings in both Athens and Thessaloniki have been transformed into refugee accommodation.

The impact of the 2019 elections

The elections of 2019 brought Nea Dimokratia, a conservative party, back to power, giving new fuel to xenophobic and racist views in mainstream discourse and politics. Refugees can no longer access public health services for free, in the same ways as the native population, while camp conditions have further deteriorated. The COVID-19 pandemic, instead of being a reason for improving the living and hygiene conditions in the camps, became an excuse for applying more restrictive and authoritarian policies. Instead of providing proper medical care and basic hygiene conditions, the government even sealed off open camps to prevent the virus from spreading.

Refugees have also been the target of attacks in several high-profile incidents. On Lesvos, locals attacked NGO workers and set fire to refugee reception centres. In Kammena Vourla, the locals rioted against the opening of a shelter for 39 unaccompanied refugee children. People in several towns and neighbourhoods collaborated to prevent refugee children from participating in public school classes. In the national media, these incidents were covered as evidence for the argument that “Greece cannot take in any more refugees”.